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The Roman Pottery of Kent
by Dr Richard J. Pollard  -  Chapter 7  page 198
Doctoral thesis completed in 1982, published 1988

be more optimistic about the value of pottery as an indicator of broader trends; this view may be presented in a qualified form, as Fulford proposed in a paper comparing medieval pottery trade and medieval documentation for trade with Britain’s late Roman trade (1978c). Here, and in an earlier paper on the evidence of coins and pottery for Britain’s late Roman trade (1977a), the conclusion reached is that while the evidence of pottery can be used to demonstrate the existence of trade links, the greater abundance of one type rather than another cannot necessarily be used as evidence of the relative importance of source areas in the volume of real trade in the total range of commodities, which is largely concealed in the archaeological record.
   The question of the value of pottery as an indicator of economic patterns and trends is crucial to the assessment of the validity of the study here presented. It is generally recognised that pottery comprised a relatively unimportant element of industry and commerce in the Roman world. Very few of the wrecks investigated in the Mediterranean contain a cargo solely of pottery, although the Pudding Pan Rock wreck in the Thames estuary carried a large consignment of Central Gaulish fine wares and roofing-tiles, and traders specialising in fine pottery are known from the epigraphic and documentary records (Hassall 1978; Middleton 1979). The products of agriculture and mining were of far greater importance to the economy of the Roman Empire (A.H.M. Jones 1974, Chapter 2), both on a regional and inter-provincial level. If pottery can only be adduced as evidence of the trade and exchange in pottery, it must be asked if the effort expended in producing pieces of research such as this presented here is justified. In the first place, it cannot be asserted that pottery is unrepresentative of any other traded commodity, for in some cases it is clearly the carrier of other commodities, and these, particularly wine, olive oil and sauces, may be considerable profit-generators. Amphorae are an exceptional form of pottery, however, and the lack of relevant petrological 

work published at the time of writing has necessitated the restriction of discussion on their sources and distribution patterns. In the second place, Hopkins (1980) has proposed that manufactured goods, including pottery, formed an integral part of the balance of tax and trade flows that helped support the economy of the whole empire. Clearly, the evidence for trade and exchange that is presented by pottery has to be interpreted with some caution; but the volume of that evidence demands that it be examined.
   The geographical location and evident prosperity of Roman Kent enabled its population to tap most of the ceramic trade routes from the Continent throughout the period. The Rhineland (du Plat Taylor and Cleere 1978) and northern Gaul (Rigby 1973; Peacock 1977c) were both important sources of pottery, including local products and exports in transit from further afield. Kent’s location was less favourable with regard to the Atlantic/Biscay trade from Spain and western Gaul than was that of the Channel civitates (the Regni, Belgae and Durotriges in particular), but this appears to have been a disadvantage only in the acquisition of imports of low trade volume (notably ‘A l’eponge’ ware from the Loire area: Fulford 1977a; Galliou et al. 1980), with no bearing on that of the more massive trade in South Gaulish samian and South Spanish amphorae. However, the Cantiaci did not gain their own wealth from the exporting of pottery in any great measure, BB2 alone achieving a wide market (Williams 1977) (cf. Monaghan 1987, 21 1—13; 220; 224—6; 233) that may have included the Channel coast of Gaul at a restricted level (Fulford 1977a). If there was a direct, reciprocal trade from Kent to the Continent, then it must have involved agricultural produce, particularly cereals, and the sale of corn in the years after the Agncolan reforms and before the imposition of the annona militaris may also have been the main generator of the wealth of the civitas, or at least of its magnates (cf.

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