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special interest. Domesday, on the other hand, looking at the matter from
a more general point of view than that of the chronicler interested in the
relations between the king and Canterbury, includes amongst royal dues the
relief from the alodiarii and forfeitures from other tenants and
other services and rents paid to the king. These tenants, it will be
noticed, were Saxons who, in spite of Domesday’s use of the present
tense, were no longer tenants of lands at the time of the taking of the
Inquest, although they may have been so in 1071 at Pennenden Heath. It
would seem probable that the Domesday account of customs owes many, if not
all, its facts to the findings of the meeting at Pennenden Heath.
A word should be said of Odo’s knights. Eight manors were held in
dominio ; in the rest tenants were enfeoffed by the bishop. Sixty-four
was probably the number of these tenants, although in cases where surnames
are not given in the Survey it is sometimes difficult to be sure of the
identity of the tenant. Two were ecclesiastics; many of the lay holders
held land in several different vills, Ansfridus, ‘Hugo nepos Herberti,’
Adam son of Hubert, Ralf son of Turald each held in ten, Ralf de
Curbaspina in eighteen, including some large manors. Some bore great names
: Hugh de Montfort, Hamon the sheriff, Richard of Tonbridge. Some are
found also among the knights of the archbishop: Wadard, Vitalis, William
de Arcis, Ralf son of Turald. The holdings of these Norman tenants were
probably more concentrated geographically than those of the Saxon
tenants preceding them, but on this point more will be said later.
Hugh de Montfort is interesting from a somewhat different point of view..
He was granted a collection of fiefs lying, as a glance at the map will
show, as a geographical unit, with the castle of Saltwood, which he held
directly as he himself claimed, or of the archbishop as was decided at
Pennenden Heath, as a sort of fortified nucleus, commanding Romney Marsh.
His fiefs, while small in extent, resemble in their contiguity to one
another a Sussex rape. In addition to his fief, Hugh seems to have held a
position of trust either under Odo, or independently. Freeman, following
William of Poitiers, makes him warden of Dover castle, and on the whole
Dr. Round seems to support this contention.60 Hasted does not
allow for Hugh’s wardenship, but regards him as subsidiary to Odo,
showing how when Eustace attempted to take the castle in 1067 he chose
the time of Hugh’s absence north of the Thames with Odo.61 The
interesting point with regard to his lands is the evidence of William’s
desire to have a military unit at a vulnerable spot, held for defence by
one of his chief lords.
A similar explanation may be suggested for the grant made to Richard fitz
Gilbert, that is to say, Richard of Tonbridge, of his so-called lowy,
which probably in no essential point differed in origin from the
combination, of fiefs granted to Hugh, but which continued to exist and
to add to itself lands and franchises in the days after the Conquest,
until it became the great franchise described in the quo warranto proceedings.
Richard held as tenant in chief, according to Domesday, only Yalding in
Twyford hundred rated at 2 sulungs with 16 ploughs, and valued in
the time of King Edward at £30, and now at only £20, because wasted, and
East Barming (Barmeling),
60 Commune of London, p.
281 ; Geoffrey de Mandeville, p.
326; Freeman, Norman Conquest, iv, 48.
61 Freeman, op. cit. iv, 75.
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